Sunday, June 29, 2014

Frogs in a Well: Resolving the crisis of Small Arms Proliferation

In the United Nations, the main goal of the General Assembly and other collective bodies of nations is to pass resolutions that offer policy recommendations to state governments and the action-charged Security Council. While normally unable to directly cause actions to happen, these resolutions are the result of great negotiation between nations, and can inspire very specific change in the international community. Model United Nations attempts to model this collaboration and develop policy ideas by pitting student delegates (each representing a different country) against one another on the United Nations floor. Take a look at the below resolution, passed in the Disarmament and International Security at the 2014 UCLA MUN Summer Institute. The different nations' policies that went into the development of the resolution is a true widening of perspective, opening up the mouth of our "world view well."

 United Nations
General Assembly

Committee: Disarmament Commission
Topic: Regulating the Illicit Proliferation in Small Arms
Sponsors: Italy, Poland, Spain, Costa Rica, Japan
Signatories: Sweden, Mexico, South Korea, Belgium, Lithuania, Greece, United Kingdom, Brazil, Argentina, Australia

Keeping in mind the Arms Trade Treaty as originally signed, especially articles 7 & 8 in regards to the import and export of small arms,

Recognizing the individuality of countries and the need for a resolution that properly addresses the subtle variances in nations’ policies,

Recalling the Charter of the United Nations article 26, which established the need for an arms regulation system, and article 51, highlighting the inherent right of individual self-defense for international peace and security,

Affirming the sovereignty of individual states in the right to bear arms,

Considering the role of small arms export in arms-producing countries as a valuable industry

Highlighting the impact of the UN Firearms Protocol in declaring the illegal manufacture of small arms a criminal offense,

1. Urges the establishment of realistic goals in working toward small arms disarmament by:
  1. reducing small arms production by 10% every 5 years for the next 25 years to work for gradual complete disarmament,
  2. creating an international body tasked with overseeing stockpile reduction,
  3. mandating that all member states of the international body report back to the committee annually on disarmament progress;

2. Recognizes the inability of countries to impose anti-proliferation measures and provides     financial support to countries that need it by:
a. Reasserting the points previously stated by the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT),
b. Further proposing the implementation of an international tracing system:
i. amends the jurisdiction of the UN International Tracing Instrument by increasing     the consequences to states for refusal to cooperate with the terms of the treaty,
ii. promotes transparency and communication between states to facilitate an international movement toward combating the illegal trade;

3. Implements the Arms Recycle Program:
a. In which individuals turn-in guns to their respective governments which then melts and recycles them into useful products:
i. fulfills the demand for jobs in the industry,
ii. increases economic development and independence as recycling plants will be constructed directly in the affected countries;
b. In which governments will incentivise individuals with monetary compensation,
i. requests funds from NATO, the European Union, and the United Nations General Assembly to implement this program,
c. In turn, the UN will build infrastructure to governments in exchange for reaching a target number of arms;

4. Proposes the development of a guns registration system in all arms-producing countries
a. Functioning at the site of arms producing factories in order to prevent the transfer of guns outside of the country before registration,
b. Designates a serial number for every small arm in production in order to track the distribution of individual small arms.

5. Recommends the implementation of legislation which would increase the punishment for owning or possessing any illegal small arm

Friday, June 20, 2014

Fighting for a Voice Against the 'National Security Law'

“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.” – Article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights

South Korea, famed for developing the world’s fastest broadband internet connection, made large strides in the early 1950’s to promote freedom of speech as an inherent aspect of its new democracy. However, especially in the 21st century, the press situation has gradually come to reflect Korea’s internal turmoil as it struggles to avoid collision with the threats of North Korea’s capricious monarchy. In 1948, the passage of the National Security Law (NSL) attempted to protect South Korean government from Communist interference by banning all activity that promoted the spread of North Korea propaganda or criticized the South Korean government. If such a law had not been passed through the National Congress, it is likely that South Korean society would be under constant attack by the writings of Northern spies and left-wing enthusiasts. However, the relative peace of today’s democracy comes at the cost of free communication and “genuine exchange of ideas” between the people of North and South Korea. According to analysts including Paul Roderick Gregory, the Korean people hold the key to overthrowing the Northern regime and peacefully integrating the two adverse countries. With the threat of censure under the National Security Law though, bloggers, journalists, and the common people (over 84% of Koreans have access to 3G and wireless internet) are prevented from interacting sincerely with their Northern counterparts. Without the incentive for genuine communication, Koreans lack empathy for one another, and are trapped in a never-ending cycle of separation, misunderstanding, and ever-deepening schism. Current-president Park Geun-hye strongly advocates a unified and peaceful Korea; however, as long as the NSL continues to be enforced, I am not alone in my concerns as to the candor behind her declarations. Under the National Intelligence Service (NIS), the National Security Law has made a gimcrack of the accepted code on freedom of speech. As expressed by UN Watch Director Hillel C. Neuer, “The lifeblood of democracy is… the freedom of press.” The law’s broad application to all publications “praising, encouraging, or propagandizing” on behalf of North Korea has meant that it has been used to justify nearly all forms of media censorship. Yet the consequences of this act reach much farther than social media and online news sites.


Last fall, a member of the far-left United Progressive Party (UPP) was indicted for supporting “an insurrection against the South in the case of North Korean invasion.” The National Intelligence Service has arrested the lawmaker on scant evidence, and taken moves to disband his party, which was originally the third most-powerful body of the National Congress. It’s worth mentioning that the NIS’s actions were greeted by ambivalent responses; lawmakers in the majority and far-right approved and continue to support the security law as a necessary precaution against the dispersion of Communist ideals. However, this enforcing body may also be partaking in the very actions that the NSL was meant to prevent. According to prosecutions last June, the intelligence service planted numerous posts through social media denouncing the president’s far-left opponent as a North Korean sympathizer. I daresay that unless decisive actions are taken to limit the interpretation of the National Security Law, its abuse of human freedoms will cause the Korean political and social sectors to crumble from the inside. 

Monday, June 16, 2014

Frogs in a Well: Proliferation of Small Arms

From the desk of the Spain mission to the United Nations: speaking on the illegal spread of small arms/ light weapons, and ammunition. Though inevitably a dangerous addition to the growing culture of violence and warfare, small arms in the wrong hands can lead to increased cases of human rights abuse, domestic violence, terrorism, and organized crime. In nations such as Somalia or sub-Saharan Africa, it has even led to the culmination of child soldier troops. Take a look beyond the oppressive walls of your world view; how might these "mortal instruments" be viewed in the distinctive Iberian peninsula?

Disarmament and International Security Committee
Spain
Proliferation of Small Arms

The use of small arms, a practice clearly harmful to state security has become much more common throughout the world as an extension of the universal right to self-defense (United Nations Charter, Article 51). In sub-Saharan Africa, the lack of government military protection has forced populations to fall back on this inherent right and take up arms to form local militias; the large quantity of SALW (small arms and light weapons) circulating through towns in countries like Liberia, Somalia, and Sudan constitute only a small portion of the vast international arms trade. Much of the weaponry in circulation is sold by countries in central and Eastern Europe, which arm civilians, terrorists, and combatants alike to earn revenue from their Cold War SALW stockpiles. In Mexico, the wide availability, low cost, and easy concealment of small arms have prolonged the drug war indefinitely, arming drug trafficking gangs and causing over 10,000 civilian deaths in the span of two years. The international community is unable or unwilling to register each of the small arms in storage or manufactured today, leading to a world-wide culture of warfare that is slowly toppling the social order.
 The United Nations holds a policy of non-tolerance against small arms trade, as originally spelled out in the Charter of the United Nations (Article 26). In 2001, the General Assembly passed the Protocol Against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, their Parts and Components and Ammunition (55/255) when it convened for the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. As the first international agreement addressing small arms, this protocol established the illegal manufacture of conventional weapons as a criminal offense. Additionally, it recognized the need for the marking and tracing of firearms in production. Through the approval of the Arms Trade Treaty (2012), the UN furthered its commitment to regulated trade by setting standards on cross-border checks of conventional weaponry, preventing the transfer of small arms for purposes including human rights abuse, organized crime, or violations of humanitarian law. Efforts to block the misuse and illegal handling of conventional weapons have been supported by the actions of NGOs, including the United Nations International Child Emergency Fund (UNICEF), International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), and the World Customs Organization. Several of these organizations have sent recommendations to the United Nations based on its Firearms Protocol, while UNICEF has also organized the International Action Network on Small Arms, a forum of over 300 NGOs gathered specifically to address the impact of small arms culture on youth.
As a member state of the European Union, Spain condemns the illegal arms trade to unstable countries, especially in the African Union. Despite being ranked from 2001-2008 as a major exporter of SALW and ammunition, Spain references its constant implementation of rigorous law enforcement as proof of its stance. Spain has consistently demonstrated its support of arms regulation through ratification of the UN Protocol on Firearms, and approval of the EU Joint Action Plan (2002/589/CFSP). Spain regards instability due to political conflicts to be the major cause for small arms demand in third world countries. Therefore, Spain implores the UN to develop a legally-binding international committee to monitor of sanctions on light weapons and the illicit trade of raw resources in Africa. This committee would also be tasked with the marking and tracing of all small arms involved in cross-border transfers,so that illegal weaponry is not flown into terrorism, organized crime, and dismantling of state structure. Spain also encourages the UN to take preventive action by providing the African Union and Latin America with the means for effective application of UN sanction regimes. While Spain recognizes the inherent right to bear arms, it proposes that by strengthening law enforcement in unstable nations, local militias will not feel as great a need for self-defense and stocks of SALW obtained from the cross-border smuggling. Spain realizes that countries in the European Union are among the largest suppliers of small arms to international demands, and strongly urges fulfillment of stockpile reduction policies. In addressing both supply and demand for small arms, Spain reiterates that an aggressive policy against small arms proliferation will benefit all United Nations member states, ushering in a world free of these hidden dangers to the social state.
Works Cited

United Nations Peacekeeping. “Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration.” Accessed on 9 June 2014. http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/issues/ddr.shtml

United Nations. Report of the United Nations Conference to Review Progress Made in the Implementation of the Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. General Assembly. Accessed on 8 June 2014. http://www.un.org/events/smallarms2006/pdf/rc.9-e.pdf

Programme of Action. “Firearms Protocol Background.” Accessed on 10 June 2014. http://www.poa-iss.org/FirearmsProtocol/FirearmsProtocol.aspx

United Nations Treaty Collection. “Chapter XVIII 12.c. Protocol against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Their Parts and Components and Ammunition.” Accessed on 7 June 2014. https://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=XVIII-12-c&chapter=18&lang=en

Secretariat.  EU Strategy to combat illicit accumulation and trafficking of SALW and their ammunition. Council of the European Union. Accessed on 13 June 2014. http://register.consilium.europa.eu/doc/srv?l=EN&f=ST%205319%202006%20INIT

World Customs Organization. “Firearms / Explosives.” Accessed on 12 June 2014. http://www.wcoomd.org/en/topics/enforcement-and-compliance/activities-and-programmes/ep_firearms.aspx

Sunday, June 15, 2014

Frogs in a Well: Revision of the NPT (Treaty on Nuclear Non-Proliferation)

Immediately following the nuclear arms race of the Cold War, the United Nations scrambled to establish a system for regulating the use of these dangerous arms. Though the treaty has been in effect for almost forty-five years, many countries including the US have yet to denuclearize their weapon stores, and nations such as North Korea have steadfastly ignored international pressure against their nuclear activity. (Currently, 4 out of 193 UN member states have not ratified the Treaty on Nuclear Non-proliferation*: Israel, Iran, Pakistan, and North Korea.) The treaty advocates peaceful uses for nuclear energy, but nuclear energy can easily be enriched for aggressive purposes, and several states have opted to become nuclear powers despite the clauses in the NPT. Why is this so pressing of an issue as diplomats claim? Take a look at the conflict from the Spanish point of view, a perspective most definitely outside of our viewing well.

*Nuclear non-proliferation: prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons and related technology, while promoting the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and encouraging nuclear disarmament (UN Office for Disarmament Affairs)
The United Nations General Assembly; the debating floor for all treaties such as the NPT.

Disarmament and International Security Committee
Spain
Revision of the NPT (Position Paper, Model United Nations)

            The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the United Nations’ sole authority for the prevention of international exchange of nuclear weapons, has failed to address the evolving threat of nuclear technology. The NPT was originally adopted in 1970, and sought to a) disarm the nuclear stockpiles from the Cold War, b) provide countries with access to unenriched uranium as an energy source, and c) prevent the proliferation of fissile material to groups with the potential for misuse. Due to its vague clauses encouraging “effective measures in the direction” of nuclear disarmament, the treaty has thus far not brought about successful denuclearization of nuclear states including the US and Russian Federation; additionally, changing international relations such as the 1969 secret agreement between Israel and the United States, and nuclear facilities in neighboring Iran have emboldened Israel’s undeclared pursuit of nuclear weapons. Under the current treaty, many states have sought nuclear energy for “peaceful purposes,” then developed the capability to illegally enrich fissile material into nuclear weapons, while simultaneously evading the scrutiny of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors. Four countries have withdrawn or not acceded to the NPT (Israel, Iran, Pakistan, North Korea), and their nuclear weapon capabilities drastically increase the potential for harm, especially if found in the hands of groups willing to commit crimes against humanity.
            The United Nations acknowledges the need for revision of the NPT, and has held a NPT Review Conference every five years since 1975. At its fifth session, the conference extended the treaty infinitely, and subsequent sessions have focused on fulfilling the treaty’s clause on weapons disarmament, peaceful nuclear energy use, and a “nuclear-weapons-free zone” in the Middle East. Nuclear-weapons-free zones, as declared in the Tlatelolco Treaty (A/6663), are regions where the possession, trade, and testing of nuclear weapons is banned, and can be found in all seven continents. To promote safe and effective use of nuclear energy, the International Atomic Energy Agency is tasked with periodic peer review of nuclear facilities of member states to the NPT, with the most recent Integrated Regulatory Review Service (IRRS) mission examining Pakistan’s Nuclear Regulatory Framework in April 2014. Steps toward international disarmament have been countered by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)’s policy of “nuclear sharing,” where member states of the organization use and store their nuclear weapons for the collective security of all NATO states. Communication between the United Nations and the network of non-governmental organizations concerning denuclearization and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is coordinated by the NGO Committee on Disarmament, Peace and Security.
            Spain stresses that the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons is the most valuable means available for addressing nuclear proliferation and energy concerns. Spain has demonstrated its steadfast support of regulations regarding these matters through its accession of the NPT (1987), its numerous attempts to strengthen Spanish nuclear facility security measures, and its attendance at the G-8 Global Partnership against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction. As the former technology program coordinator at the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism, Spain has drafted a 1540 National Action Plan for the prevention of nuclear proliferation among terror groups, and strongly urges other member states of the NPT to take similar precautionary measures. Spain anticipates the preparatory conference for the NPT review session in 2015, and proposes that discussion focus on improving progress in the disarmament agenda. Spain advises that a separate conference is convened for the development of a non-nuclear Middle East, thereby setting the expectation for non-signatories to the NPT, and pressuring the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) to abandon its ambitious nuclear program. Spain implores fellow member states of the NPT to support the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), to counter the relative ease with which nations today are able to develop nuclear weapons capabilities, and to constrain the development of a regional arms race similar to that of the Cold War. Spain is adamant in its belief that possession of nuclear weapons hinders mutual trust between countries, and declares the need for transparency in order to manifest a nuclear weapons-free zone, under the NPT, encompassing the entire world. 


WORKS CITED

US Department of State. “Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty.” Accessed 12 June 2014. http://www.state.gov/t/avc/c42328.htm

United Nations General Assembly. “Delayed Conference on Nuclear-Weapon-Free Middle East among Major Concerns.” Accessed 13 June 2014. http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2014/dc3487.doc.htm

La Moncloa. “Gonzalo de Benito attends 3rd Nuclear Security Summit in The Hague.” Gobierno de Espana. 12 June 2014. http://www.lamoncloa.gob.es/idiomas/9/gobierno/news/2014/20140325_nuclear_security_summit.htm

International Atomic Energy Agency. “IAEA Mission Concludes Peer Review of Pakistan’s Nuclear Regulatory Framework.” 10 June 2014. http://www.iaea.org/newscenter/pressreleases/2014/prn201409.html

Miller, Marvin, Lawrence Scheinman et al. “Israel, India, and Pakistan: Engaging the Non-NPT States in the Nonproliferation Regime.” Arms Control Association. Accessed 12 June 2014. https://www.armscontrol.org/act/2003_12/MillerandScheinman

NGO Committee on Disarmament, Peace & Security. “NGO Committee on Disarmament, Peace, and Security.” Accessed 15 June 2014. http://disarm.igc.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=frontpage&Itemid=54


United Nations. Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Office for Disarmament Affairs. Accessed 9 June 2014. http://disarmament.un.org/treaties/t/npt/text

Monday, June 2, 2014

Frogs in a Well: China's Invisible Grip on Africa

As a quickly rising economy in today's US-dominated world, China is taking a radical approach in securing its international status. Veering away from the traditional European & western markets, the country has been steadily building up its influence in the African continent. According to Reuters, trade between the two regions was $166 billion USD in 2011, with two-way trade increasing by 30% every year for the past decade.Today, it is Africa's largest trading partner, having surpassed the US in 2009. But Sino-African relations do not end with commerce. Last month, Chinese Premier Li embarked on a tour in Africa, and offered $12 million USD in developmental loans to countries including Kenya, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. Additionally, he presented thousands of dollars to fund new infrastructure projects in the continent, including a high-speed railway in Nairobi. Considering African leaders' constant insistence that relations with China are not "a one-way street," what is China receiving from this partnership?

African exports of natural resources are almost entirely directed toward China.

Simply put: oil & new markets. Oil demands in China, needed to fuel its perpetually growing industry, are incredible, and the nation is able to meet many of these requirements through its advantageous relations with African countries. One-third of African raw materials(iron ore, coal, timber) are exported to China, according to Africa Renewal magazine. Cities such as Johannesburg or Cairo are also benefiting from the influx of cheap goods from the far-off nation. For its active role in the continent, Chinese influences can be seen in nearly every aspect of African society. Take for instance Nairobi's Jomo Kenyatta International airport, the African Union's sleek new headquarters (located in Ethiopia), or the Chinese merchants' brief stint at textile sales. (The low cost of Chinese textiles provoked a crash in local industries, prompting the Tanzanian government to ban Chinese companies from directly interfering within the country.) To accommodate for this foreign presence, many countries have begun incorporating Mandarin in their education curriculum (such as this South African school), and broadcasts from China Radio International & Xinhua News can be heard on all stations, offering positive reinforcements of current Sino-African ties and the Chinese government views. President Obama has responded to China's encroaching presence with the development of programs such as "Power Africa" (funding electric generation) and "Trade Africa" (increase US exports), but the lack of incentive and real action has aroused great suspicion on whether the government is sincere in its efforts.
The African Union headquarters at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The plaque is inscribed in both Mandarin & English, and designates the facility as a gift from the Chinese government.
What does this mean for the rest of the world? By capturing a new market in which most other countries were unable or uninterested in investing, China now has the means and allies to expand its markets and cultural presence. With many young students in South Africa studying Chinese at school, walking past China-funded infrastructure, and constantly learning the Chinese government's stance on such controversial issues as the Tibetan revolts, or its ruling Communist party, we may be looking at a generation of African youth growing up in a cocoon of Chinese influence. Having been surrounded by this reinforcement of Chinese political beliefs, perhaps these students will someday serve to strengthen China's voice in diplomatic proceedings, especially with its neighbors Korea and Japan. Whether or not this will put other world powers at a disadvantage in international gatherings such as the United Nations, we have yet to see. In the words of G. John Ikenberry, "The rise of China will undoubtedly be one of the greatest dramas of the twenty-first century."